<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\nnecessity of a correct definition and an objective evaluation of the populist\nphenomenon is very important for the Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations\nof Europe, due to its increasing influence among the labouring masses and in\nthe areas of major social suffering. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
We\nhave to clarify the nature and characteristics of populism, analyse and study\nits social bases, the concrete forms of its politics, in order to fight it\nideologically and politically. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cPopulism\u201d\n(political tendency that pretends to win the popular classes) it is not a new\nconcept. This political movement was born in Russia in the second half of XIX\ncentury, under the influence of A. I. Herzen. The populists were utopian and\nromantic critics of capitalism. They advocated a revolution founded upon the\ntraditions of the agrarian collectivism and theorized the duty of the\nintellectuals to put themselves at the service of the people. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Lenin\ndefined this phenomenon as follows: \u00abThe essence of the populism consists in\nthe fact that it represents the interests of the producers from the point of\nview of the small producer, of the petty bourgeoisie\u00bb. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Also\nin the US emerged in 1891 a populist party, the People’s Party, that had its\nsocial base among the mass of the white small farmers indebted and outraged for\nthe increasing social inequality in a society in which was growing up the\ndominion of the financial capital. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Today’s\npopulism is not the same as that of the XIX century. It rises under different\nhistorical and social conditions: from a phase of development of monopolistic\ncapitalism to a phase of aggravation of the general crisis of capitalism. But,\ndespite differences due to different historical conditions, in the essence the\nfundamental objective of populism is, today as yesterday, to stop, to brake, to\ndivert the popular masses, in first place the proletariat, from the conscious\nand organized struggle against capitalism and imperialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Today\nin Europe this political phenomenon has different variants y organizational\nforms. In the same country populism can assume different forms sometimes\ncompeting against each other, as a result of the profound economic and\npolitical crisis that invested all the countries in the last decade, producing\ndeep social inequalities among broad sections of the population, particularly\nthe popular ones, including medium and petty bourgeoisie.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\nspread of the populist propaganda is tied up to the worsening of the conditions\nof life and work of the masses, to the depth social impact of neoliberal and\nausterity politics, to the crisis of legitimacy and authority of the bourgeois\ninstitutions, as long as to the internal contradictions and fractures that\nemerge in the ruling classes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\npolitical success of populism is direct consequence of the crisis and the political,\nmoral and electoral decadence of the old liberal and social democratic parties. When there is no independent and revolutionary\nworkers\u2019 movement, populists fill this political\nspace. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Populism\ndevelops itself in a period in which the \u201csocial compromise\u201d, the system of\nclass collaboration among bourgeoisie, trade unions and industrialists (that it\nis at the base of the \u201cWelfare State\u201d) weakens more and more. This instigates\nwide movements of protest in which act the populist, extreme right, fascist and\nNazi groups. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Populism\nis an expression of the deep crisis of the bourgeois democracy and its\ntraditional forms of political representation, above all the reformist parties\nthat don’t offer any alternative to the neoliberal and don\u2019t want to represent\nanymore the workers and people interests. At the same time, it is an answer of\nthe bourgeois to overcome the \u201cdeficit of representation\u201d, channelling the\nindignation and the anger of the popular masses towards its own political\ngoals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\nascent of populism is a result of the authoritarian and anti-popular measures applied by the\nruling class and its liberal and social democratic parties, that dismantle the\nconquests and the democratic liberties of the workers, tighten the rights of\nthe bourgeois parliaments, bury popular sovereignty, throw away national\nindependence and intensifies repression against the workers and trade union\nmovement. Also the \u201cdiktat\u201d and the hypocritical accusations that come from the\nBrussels\u2019 oligarchies strengthen populism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\ndiffusion of populism is facilitated by the transitory, but deep-rooted,\ninternational, multilateral, defeat of socialism and by the difficulties of the\nrecovery of the working class movement that today has little trust in itself,\nbut also of the political, ideological, organizational weakness of the parties\nof the working class and the revolutionary movements in general. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\ncondition of the bourgeois society, because of the level reached by its\ncontradictions, and the backwardness of the subjective factor of the\nproletarian revolution, facilitate the diffusion of pathological phenomenon as\npopulism, a typical \u201csenile disease\u201d of imperialism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
THE POPULIST PHENOMENON IN EUROPE <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nsecond decade of the XXI century in Europe has been characterized by a scarce\neconomic growth, following the 2008 overproduction great crisis, and by the\nincrease of political instability. Because of the consequences of the crisis\nand the cuts to the salaries, the pensions and the social expenditure, the\nsocial inequality and the poverty of mass grew, and among the working masses\nspread the precariousness of life and work. Also migratory pressure and\nterrorism, cleverly manipulated by the bourgeois media, have increased the\nfeeling of social insecurity, while corruption, patronage and scandals\nundermined confidence in the traditional parties. <\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nthis historical situation, in which \u201cthe old dies and the new cannot grow out\u201d\n(Gramsci), have emerged in many countries, from the North to the South of\nEurope, new political forms to divert the popular masses, in first place\nproletariat, from the conscious and organized struggle against capitalism and\nimperialism that even if it appears as the \u201cmore democratic” maintains its\nreactionary nature.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Have\ngrown stronger parties or movements of illusory or often reactionary protest\nagainst the oligarchies and EU, that offer some alternatives within the system,\nwithout presuming the revolutionary overcoming of capitalism. Their\n\u201chobbyhorses\u201d are: the recovery of national sovereignty, the criticism to the\ninterferences of the EU and the politics of austerity, the problems of\nimmigration, the multi-culturalism, the responsibility of the banks in the\ncrisis, the theory of the \u201cplot\u201d, the idea of the \u201ctreason\u201d against the people,\netc. <\/p>\n\n\n\n They\nare the new populist parties and movements, that in some cases quickly gained\nelectoral ground in Europe and in some countries are already in government\nintroducing authoritarian and reactionary change. <\/p>\n\n\n\n These\nparties begin to develop together with the implementation of the neoliberal\npolitics by the \u201ctraditional\u201d right or social democratic parties. The weakening\nof these parties, particularly the social democratic, but also of the old\nliberal parties, created a political vacuum which the populist parties have\ntaken advantage. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ncountries of East Europe, as Hungary or Poland, have been a culture medium of\npopulism. Those countries have brutally gone from bureaucratic States directed\nby revisionist parties to \u201cclassical\u201d capitalistic States that imposed their\nbrutal neoliberal politics with the famous \u201cshock therapy\u201d programs, in the EU\nframework. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npopulist parties that today govern those countries combine the anti-EU\ndiscourse (\u201cEU imposes us decisions that\nwe no longer want\u201d \u2026), with xenophobic and racist politics. They also denounce\nunequal treatment practiced by the EU: the restriction of the “aids”,\nthe rules that limit the social dumping that penalizes the companies of those\ncountries; they complain about the haughty attitude of the EU and the great\npowers toward themselves, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nWestern Europe, populism spreads especially after the 2008 crisis. At first,\nthere was an advance of its left versions (Podemos, Syriza); subsequently,\nprogressed the right or heterogeneous versions (Front National, AFD, Five Stars\nMovements, etc.). In this period continuous to advance the reactionary\npopulism. There are already right populist governments in Poland, Hungary,\nAustria, Slovenia, Rep. Czech and Italy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Today\nthe expressions of populism in Europe are predominantly reactionary, with\nparties and movements that sustain chauvinistic, conservatives and xenophobic\npositions, like FN in France, AFD in Germany, the North League and the majority\nof the Five Star Movement in Italy, the Danish People’s Party in Denmark, FPO\nin Austria, Ukip in England, the True Finns, the Party of the Swedish\nDemocrats, the N-VA in Belgium, the Party of the Liberty in the Netherlands,\nthe party Order and Justice in Latvia, the party Law and Justice in Poland, the\nBulgarian Gerb, the Hungarian fascistic-type party Fidesz and Jobbik, etc. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nphenomenon is not limited to the parliamentary parties, because exist social\nmovements like \u201cPegida\u201d in Germany, that belong to right populism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ncoming into power of Trump, a chauvinist and reactionary element, promoter of\nprotectionism and the hard line against the migrant, has strengthened the wave\nof right populism in Europe. <\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nthe populist conglomerate, we cannot forget the racists and fascist that try to\nhide their ideology behind rumbling declarations “in defence of the\npeople\u201d, against the \u201cforeign invaders” that arrive in the different\ncountries to steal the work of the native workers, against the immigrants that\nare \u201cborn criminals, rapists, drug dealers\u201d, etc. Populism is actually the\nvehicle by which fascism penetrates among the masses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cLeft\npopulism, which is characterized for a non-coherent refusal of the austerity\npolitics, exists especially in the southern periphery of the EU: Spain\n(Podemos), Greece (Syriza), Italy (some sectors of the M5S and other groups). <\/p>\n\n\n\n SOCIAL BASE AND FUNCTION OF THE\nPOPULISM <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\nhas its mass base in the petty bourgeoisie, impoverished and marginalized\neconomically and in term of political representation, deprived of its \u201csocial\nstatus\u201d. In the countries dominated by monopolistic capital the petty\nbourgeoisie, especially the urban one, expanded for decades becoming an\nimportant factor of equilibrium and political stability of the \u201cwestern\nliberal-democracies\u201d (as a solid electoral source), and then suffered a fast\nprocess of impoverishment and political exclusion with the \u201cglobalization\u201d and\nthe 2008 crisis. The emergence of new industrial sectors as a result of\nscientific and technological advances also played a role in the weakening of\nthe position of the petty and middle bourgeoisie. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ndowngrading of the petty bourgeoisie, its crumbling (and on the other hand the\nrapids ascent of new and narrow privileged bourgeois groups), therefore, the\nbreakup of this fundamental stratum of the bourgeois society, is the cause of\nthe populist political earthquake. <\/p>\n\n\n\n It\nis important to understand the difference between the social base of this\nphenomenon, and the way in which the bourgeoisie use it. This base is a product\nof the crisis of the imperialistic system that strikes and disrupt vast layers\nof the society, particularly the petty bourgeoisie that leaves its traditional\nparties. This tightens the base of the bourgeois dictatorship. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Therefore,\nthe ruling class meets series difficulty to maintain its dictatorship with the\nold methods, to the old parties, to the old men. It is in a position in which\ncannot apply the old politics in the old forms. The existing contradictions at\ndomestic and international level push the ruling class to find to new forces\nand new methods of government. It must resort to demagogy and deception. It\nturns against what it created, against the old parties, at the cost to produce\nof political unbalances and shocks in its national and international\ninstitutions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\nis a response utilized by sectors of bourgeoisie in relation to a series of\neconomic, social and politics demand of the middle classes that don’t find\nsolution in the traditional parties. These sectors turned around the left\nbourgeoisie parties that represented wide sectors of the working classes and\nnow are separating from their social base. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Today\nthey need new political and electoral projects able to canalize the discontent\nof these social layers against an \u201cenemy\u201d (the elites up, and the migrants down),\nto prevent that it moves against the capitalistic system, the true enemy to\ncombat. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Therefore,\na new kind of bourgeois parties are required, suitable for the conditions\nexisting after the 2008 great economic crisis, of the disintegration of the\ncapitalism, of the destruction of the Welfare State, of the reaction and the\npreparation to the war. They are necessary as formulas of tactical adjustment\nin the different countries. From these needs are formed and fed the populist\nmovements and parties. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\nis necessary to the ruling classes to maintain their hegemony, filling the\npolitical vacuum created by the crisis of the old electoral domains; it is a\nsort of poor imitation of the great mass party of the left bourgeoisie due to\ntheir impossibility to represent, to absorb and to address in a reformist\nproject the protest, the needs and the feelings of the middle class. This means\nthat the populist phenomenon is not just an election anger. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\ncan be born from sectors and exponents of the middle classes, that want to\nincrease their power receiving electoral support and riding the discontent of\nthe classes and social strata affected by the crisis. But it quickly turns into\na political force when the most reactionary groups of the bourgeoisie, the great\nindustry, the bank, the institutional leadership intervene as organizing\nelement. The line that guide populism when it is in power it is the line of the\ndecisive forces of the bourgeoisies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n POPULIST IDEOLOGY, POLITICS AND\nLANGUAGE <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\nis not a coherent and well-structured ideology. It is rather a political style,\na weapon of political struggle used by bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties\nand movements that want to occupy political space in order to realize their\nobjectives. This style is based on some ideological elements and uses forms of\ncommunication with stilted phraseology, disguised as \u201cpopular\u201d, to try to unify\nand to mobilize social strata generally passive or discouraged. <\/p>\n\n\n\n 1.\nThe populists deny the existence of the classes and their mutual struggle, deny\nthe historical development of the class struggle and the revolutionary function\nof proletariat as fundamental subject in the class struggle. They declare that\nsociety is horizontally divided in two homogeneous and opposite camps, the\npeople and the elites (\u201cus\u201d and \u201cthem\u201d). Hence the substitution of the\ntraditional distinction right\/left, with the bipolar scheme top\/bottom. <\/p>\n\n\n\n 2.\nFor populists, politics is the general expression of the will of the people\n(the \u201cordinary people\u201d, \u201cpeople like us\u201d) and of the nation, against the elites\n(\u201cthe technocrats of Brussels\u201d) defined as privileged, corrupt and rapacious.\nPeople is designed as \u201cnational community\u201d presented in a demagogic way as\ndepositary of values and virtue totally positive. The populists appear as the\nonly legitimate representatives of the people and the nations, the only ones\nthat can interpret the sovereignty, the popular and national will, in\nopposition to the \u201cexternal enemies\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 3. In terms of political action\nthe populists appear as the \u201canti-party\u201d (even if they are a party), opposed to\nthe \u201cold politics\u201d and the \u201cprofessional politicians\u201d. They adopt political\nforms vertically structured (even if they sustain the \u201chorizontal\u201d\norganization, the \u201chorizontality\u201d) around a charismatic leader, professionally\ntrained to realize \u201cpolitical performances\u201d. <\/em>The\ncommunication style is the direct and impassioned appeal to the people\n(especially the not organized social sectors), based on rhetoric and demagogy.\nThey try to tune-in the mood of the dissatisfied masses disappointed by the\nother parties. They evoke social fears and take advantage of the need of social\nprotection and safety against the globalization, the neoliberalism, etc. They\nconcentrate the attacks against the elites, the \u201ccaste\u201d, the \u201cpeople of\nabove”, and in some countries as Poland, Austria, Italy and others,\nagainst the “serious danger” that represent the migrants. The populists create false economic and social\nexpectations, make promises of favourable measures for the masses, which cannot\nbe realized because of the respect of EU treaties. They offer pragmatic, immediate solutions to the existing problems\nwithout aiming to the structural causes of the problems. The populists combine\ndifferent forms and means of political communication: blogs, Facebook, Twitter,\nInternet, the streets, the individual communication, the television, the\nnewspapers, etc. They adopt a superficial language and slogan, techniques of\nverbal aggression, threats, provocations. The aim is always to conquer\nthe sectors affected by the crisis and to mobilize them in the light of\ndetermined political objectives. The radicalism of the populists doesn’t\nrespond to a program advocating the overthrow of the existing social and\nownership relationships, but only the substitution of the government figures to\napply reactionary measures (properly camouflaged). <\/p>\n\n\n\n 4. The populists mix different ideologies, above\nall neoliberalism, chauvinism, racism and anticommunism, to coagulate\nreactionary political forces and to get a wider mass base. There is a\nparticular combination of populism and bourgeois nationalism, that represents a\ngreat danger for the working class and the revolutionary process, and a factor\nfor war preparation. The central theme for the affirmation of the populist\nchauvinism is the restoration of the \u201clost sovereignty.\u201d The favourite slogan\nis \u201cAmerica first\u201d (or France, Italy, etc.). The nationalistic component serves\nmore directly the ruling classes in every country; the other variety of populism\nare to bring together the different currents, to conquer the masses and build\npolitical alliances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npopulist parties are fundamentally electoral\nparties with a versatile organization, ready to realize all types of alliances\nto go to the power without subvert the capitalistic system. They often use popular consultations or\nplebiscites, for delegitimize and modify something in the bourgeois\nparliamentary system. When the populists come to power they identify\nwith the State (\u201cwe are the State\u201d). They affirm that only strengthening\nthe bourgeoisie State is possible to protect the interest of the people. They conceive themselves as the exclusive\nrepresentatives of the popular will; they commit themselves to occupy the State\napparatuses and to maintain the power in name of the \u201cpeople\u201d, excluding\npolitical opponents. Populist are profoundly anti-democratic, they refuse the\npolitical and moral legitimacy of other political forces, and look for the\nabsolute monopoly of the political representation in the bourgeois system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n THE \u201cLEFT\u201d POPULISM <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n As\nwe have seen, there isn\u2019t a single populism, with general concepts and a\ncoherent ideology. There are different versions of right or \u201cleft”\npopulism that all things considered serve in one way or another sectors of the\nbourgeoisie.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Although\npopulist apply the same political style, there are substantial differences\namong them that should be taken in account. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nfeelings that the different forms of populism arouse for mobilizing electors\nare evident: the fear of strangers, on the right; the hope in a best future and\nthe solidarity, on the left. The right wing can be distinguished for the hate,\nthe grudge, the egoism and the indifference; the left wing, in theory, speaks\nabout \u201cjustice and the equality\u201d, the defence of the Welfare State, the\nreception of migrants, the \n\u201dparticipatory democracy\u201d, the reduction of the differences of income,\netc. <\/p>\n\n\n\n These\ndifferences express the duality of the petty bourgeoisie that is at the same\ntime reactionary and progressive, in its own interests of the moment and its\nposition regarding the capital. Insofar it is necessary to consider and analyse\nthe different aspects of populism, without lumping everything together. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npetty bourgeoisie populists speak and pontificate about \u201cthe people”, \u201cthe\npublic”, \u201cthe citizens\u201d (avoiding words like \u201cproletariat\u201d, \u201crevolutionary\nstruggle\u201d), always in ambiguous way, without specifying their objectives. They\ncriticize the government in their own countries but their desire is to reach\nthe bourgeois parliaments through elections. In their electoral programs and\ncalls they never mention the need of a regime change or of a social revolution.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nany electoral program they expose a change of the system, on the contrary they\nwant to improve the actual one. If they set out some change in the electoral\nlaws, it is on secondary aspects and above all to obtain modification that\nallow them to increase the number of the parliamentary seats. Nothing about the\nproletariat, absolutely nothing, except some catchphrases, out of context.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Regarding\nthe trade union struggle, generally speaking, their tactic is pure and simple\ntalking, aimed at getting position of responsibility in the apparatus; if they\ndon\u2019t achieve it, they underestimate or abandon this struggle of primary\nimportance, ignoring the famous warning of Lenin: <\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00abTo refuse to work in the reactionary trade unions means\nleaving the insufficiently developed or backward masses of workers under the\ninfluence of the reactionary leaders, the agents of the bourgeoisie\u2026\u00bb.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Left\npopulists don’t theorize and don’t explain the reason of their behaviour\nregarding the struggle against reformist trade unionism; they don’t consider,\nor underestimates, that in the trade unions, despite the opportunist leader, there\nare a good part of the advanced proletariat. But for the populists, of all\nkinds, what ambiguously matter are the\n“people”, \u201cthose below”, not the proletariat. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nconfusion of the left populist leaders about the political and ideological\nreferences, is meaningful: some call themselves “Marxist”, others\n“leftist”. They criticize the excesses of the neoliberalism to\npromote a \u201cdemocratized” capitalism. Under no circumstances they include\nthe demolition of the dominion of the financial oligarchy and the capitalism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n A\ntrait of the left populists of the imperialists countries is that they deny the\nimperialist character of their country. They disconnect the question of leaving\nEU from the question of the proletarian revolution to break the imperialist\nyoke. They propose new \u00abalternative areas\u00bb between imperialists and\ncapitalistic countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n They\ndon’t recognize the responsibility of its own bourgeoisie in the gestation and\napparition of the serious actual situation, but only that of the Troika, or of\nother imperialists ruling classes. In their view the principal enemy is always\n\u00about of the country\u00bb. They objectively act as crutches to help their\nbourgeoisie, they look for alliances with sectors of the ruling class, hiding\nor minimize class antagonisms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nleft populist groups don’t develop a Marxist class analysis, but they look at\nthe existing class contradictions from a cross-class and sociological point of\nview. <\/p>\n\n\n\n They\nplace at the same level the reactionary sectors of the medium bourgeoisie and\nthe oppressed and exploited sector of the petty bourgeoisie, that can be\nimmobilized or detached from the ruling class. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Left\npopulists refuse revolution and socialism and look for a \u201cthird way\u201d on which\nthey inevitably slip in the reformist quagmire; they compete in the field of\nthe bourgeoisie. Moreover, they systematically fall into the nationalism, ready\nto make the national unity with the ruling class in \u00abemergency\u00bb situations. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Left\npopulism develops a particular function: to divert the working class and the popular\nmasses from the conscious struggle against the capital power in its different\nexpressions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npurpose of this form of populism is to prevent the development of a\nrevolutionary mass movement directed by the proletariat, to prevent the workers\nand popular masses get class revolutionary conscience. Therefore, the effort of\nthis kind of populist is to address the worker\u2019s and popular demands toward\nobjectives compatible with the capitalistic society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n POPULISM AND WORKING CLASS <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Populist\nmovements especially address to the middle classes, reflecting their interests\nand points of view. However, they also develop a demagogic policy toward the\nworkers, particularly the lower strata, less organized and more exploited. A\npolicy that combines the most cynical social demagogy and a fake patriotism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populist\ndeal with the workers and popular protest in a historical period in which the\nclass conscience of the working masses is to a low level and in which the class\nstruggle doesn’t necessarily assume the \u201cleft\u201d traditional forms and aspects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\nhas an important role to play for the bourgeoisie: to keep away the working\nclass and the popular masses from the revolutionary way in a phase in which\nthere are the objective conditions for their recovery with a revolutionary\nperspective. In other words, they brake and delay the development of the\nsubjective factor, particularly the class organization, creating false\nexpectations about reactionary social programs and characters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nclose connection with neoliberal dogmas, the populist parties disorganize and\nde-legitimize the workers and their\norganizations, as well as they break up the traditional parties. The line of\nthe populist parties is to \u201cwash their hands\u201d and \u201cnot intervene in the\nconflict between work and business\u201d, is the line of the \u201cuberization\u201d, often\nwith the protest of the defence of social sectors excluded by the trade union\nrepresentation. They attach the trade unions as elementary organizations of the\nworking class, as well they deny the classic organization of the workers\u2019 mass\nparties. They act to prevail individualism and corporatism, the \u201creforms\nwithout negotiations\u201d rejecting the role of the trade unions.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n On\nwhich element populism catch the workers? \nOn real needs, minimized by the traditional liberal and reformist\nparties: the poverty among workers, the insecurity of life and work, the need\nof social protection, the income for the unemployed; the demand of decent\npensions; the high taxes; the corruption of the ruling classes; the dominance\nof the financial oligarchy; the increasing of the social gap; the competition\nproduced by the overexploitation of the foreign workers, etc. Of course,\npopulists propose reactionary and fictitious answers to these problems, without\nquestioning the pillars of the system of exploitation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\ncleverly exploits the resentment, the malaise and the anger of the workers and\nthe unemployed and precarious youth people. The workers vote the populists\nparties for two main reasons: the false hope that they will resolve some\nproblems; to punish the reformist parties responsible of the anti-popular\nmeasures of austerity, of the shameful class collaborations. This determines\nthat the right populists can easily take advantage of the expectations and the\nprotest of the workers, just like the hate against the oligarchy, sometimes\nusing left slogan and demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n GUIDELINES FOR WORK AND STRUGGLE<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The\n(m-l) communists’ struggle against the populism cannot be confused with the\nstruggle of the bourgeois and reformist parties conduct against populism. It\u2019s\nbased on ideological and political principles and contents completely different\nand opposite, and it needs to be daily developed with an effective method to\nwin the advanced workers and to move the broad masses on revolutionary\npositions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This\nstruggle is against the reactionary ideology and the practice of the petty\nbourgeoisie that constitute a serious obstacle for the development and the\ndiffusion of scientific socialism in the exploited and oppressed masses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n To\ndevelop this struggle, we have to see populism as an obstacle for the\ndevelopment of the working class movement and to constantly denounce it for the\nfunction that it develops to save the capitalistic system. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\ncannot suppress the contradictions between bourgeoisie and proletariat, the\ncontradictions between the class content of its politics and the needs and\naspirations of the working class, just as cannot delete the contradictions\namong the ruling classes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n When\npopulism come to power the State doesn’t lose its class nature, the\nexploitation doesn’t decrease, but it increases; the pressure on the working\nclass grows, the achievement and the rights of the workers and their\norganizations are a constant target of the populists; the repression and the\nviolence of the capitalism increase. This means that populism doesn’t mitigate\nthe class contradictions, but deepen them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Since\npopulism appeals to the \u201cpeople\u201d, the struggle against the populist and\nnationalist ideology and politics shall be conducted in the worker and popular\nmovement. The real problem is to contend the influence and the hegemony of the\npopulists in our camp, with an extensive mass work, without hiding the nature\nand the aims of our Parties. <\/p>\n\n\n\n To\ndevelop this struggle is necessary to establish a close link between the\npolitical denounce and the concrete and urgent demands of the workers and the\nunemployed, adapted to the actual level of conscience and the sentiment of the\noppressed and exploited masses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n We\nhave to counter the populist demagogy with a communist propaganda developed in\nsimple and comprehensible way for the workers and the young proletarians, the\nwomen, the poor people, putting their true interests to the centre of our\naction. <\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nfront of the growth of populism and fascism, is essential the work for the\ndevelopment of the unique proletarian front and of the popular front. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ntactic of unique front of workers\u2019 struggle against capitalism, is the keystone\nto fight against populism, its cross-class and collaborationist policy. Every\nstep we take to realize the unity of action among the workers against\ncapitalism, is a step to unleash broader and decisive struggles. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Populism\nshould be persecuted on its own turf, for example on the electoral promises,\nespecially if it came to power. It\u2019s our duty to unmask populist demagogy, the\nlies of their leaders, to show to the working class that they are the old\npolicy with a new-look, that their purpose is to be at the table to maintain\nthe system of capital.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We\nmust condemn their subservience to the imperialist international institutions\n(EU, ECB, IMF, NATO, etc.), to the international anti-popular treaty, the\nagreement they reach with the imperialists powers and monopolies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nour propaganda should be clarified the cross-class character of populism and\nits disastrous repercussions on the workers. We have to explain that at the\n\u201cforefront\u201d of its politics there are not the interest of the people, and still\nless the interest of the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It\nis up to us to expose without mercy the populist demagogy and rhetoric, the\nfalsehood of its popular-patriotism, of the chauvinist slogans that cover its\nanti-working class, imperialists and warmongering policy, showing that\npopulists are deeply antidemocratic and anti-national.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npopulist leaders in power have many weaknesses, because the capitalistic crisis\ntear off their demagogic proposals and economic measures and their offers to\nthe masses begin to decrease; theirs \u201cflag projects” fall and when they\nare forced to apply the traditional bourgeois adjustment policies to overcome\nthe crisis they attack harshly the workers and the peoples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For\ntaking this work forward we need to go in the mass organizations, especially\nthe trade unions, both for develop defence actions of the class organizations, and\nfor discuss with the workers voting the parties populist, explaining their\nmistakes and illusions and working for uniting them in the common struggle with\nother sectors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There\nis today a relative confusion among workers. We therefore need to draw a clear\nline between the electoral base and the populist leaders that we have to\nconstantly attack. Our enemies are populist organizations, of extreme right,\nfascist, not the workers and the masses that vote for them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n An\nissue of great importance for our struggle is to formulate concrete and\nimmediate class demands class, appropriate to the existing situation. To create\nplatform and establish broad alliances around these demands are vital\ncomponents of the action of struggle against populism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n At\nthe same time is necessary a resolute struggle against political passivity and\nthe wait-and-see policy, that manifest itself with phrases like \u201clet them\ngovern\u201d, \u201clet\u2019s see how long they last\u201d etc. This attitude facilitates the\nadvance of the populist forces. Therefore, it is necessary to involve ourselves\nin the daily, militant activity, in the organizational participation to the\nworkers struggles, using all the possibilities, even the smaller one. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Another\nremarkable aspect is the work to try to remove from populism sectors of petty\nbourgeoisie. To succeed in influencing these discontented and politically\nimmature social strata is one of the most important problems of the struggle\nagainst political reaction. <\/p>\n\n\n\n It\nis necessary to elaborate demands with economic and democratic characters, in\norder to seek out allies of the proletariat and to isolate the reactionary and\ndangerous components of the petty bourgeoisie. We have to propose arguments and\nbright analysis for the urgent issues in order to convince workers that populism\nis not the answer to the existing problems. <\/p>\n\n\n\n We\nneed to make an effort to realize fronts, or alliances, blocks, coalitions,\netc. with popular character, antifascist and anti-imperialist, joining, under\nthe direction of the proletariat, the impoverished workers of the city and the\ncountryside (native and migrants), the masses of the oppressed nationalities,\nthe genuine progressive and democratic forces, on the base of a program of\nspecific demands of these sectors of workers, that are consistent with the\nfundamental interests of the proletariat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nterms of tactic we have to take in account the difference of attitude regarding\nthe right and the left populist movements, and the fascist groups and parties. <\/p>\n\n\n\n A\nreformist or opportunist organization, and an extreme right, or a fascist\norganization, reactionary through and through, are not the same thing, even if\nthey all try to reach the popular masses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n With\nthe left populist organizations is possible to converge in certain moments, on\ntactical, well-defined and concrete objectives regarding the issues concerning\nthe demands and interests of the labouring masses. With\nthe fascist no convergence is possible, but it is necessary to pursue a\ncontinuous ideological and politics struggle. What we need is to consider which\nclass, or classes, they serve. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Although\nconvergences should be realized with the left populist movements, it is not\npossible to generalize a common tactic for all these movements. Even if not\neveryone, in general these movements deny the essential role of the working\nclass, deny or hide the proletarian class struggle; also those movements we can\nconverge tactically in a concrete situation, do everything not to appear the\nname of the communist organizations. <\/p>\n\n\n\n It\nis evident that we have to be very clear in our approaches and to follow an\nappropriate tactic in every place or country, to carefully analyse the\nproposals and the positions, the demands and the democratic slogans of the\nprogressive populist, that we have to develop accurately and deeply for the\nbenefit of the working class. <\/p>\n\n\n\n It\ncannot be denied, it would be absurd, that these movements know how to take\nadvantage of the ideological weakness of the masses, and in some situations\nthey are able to influence them. This puts us the necessity to be very careful\nabout the projects of the populists, and with ability and firmness support the\nfundamental demands of the working class and the popular masses. <\/p>\n\n\n\n We\nshould ever take in consideration the fundamental question: the strengthening and\nthe development of our parties and organizations, the construction of strong\nMarxist-Leninists parties. <\/p>\n\n\n\n We\ncannot argue with the populist movements accusing them not to be\nMarxist-Leninists, not to be real revolutionary parties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This\ntask must be carried out by the revolutionary parties of the working class,\narmed with the theory of scientific socialism. This is the fundamental factor\nof the struggle against the bourgeoisie and the reaction, including populism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n August 2018<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n (Document\nbased on the debate on populism of the meeting of Marxist-Leninist Parties and\nOrganizations of Europe, in June 2018). <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" The necessity of a correct definition and an objective evaluation of the populist phenomenon is very important for the Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations of Europe, due to its increasing influence among the labouring masses and in the areas of major social suffering. We have to clarify the nature and characteristics of populism, analyse and study […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":122,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-159","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-declarations"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=159"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":160,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159\/revisions\/160"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/122"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=159"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=159"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=159"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}