<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The\nCommunist Party is a historical necessity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Marxism-Leninism expressly affirms the need\nfor the communist party as the organizer and leader of the revolutionary\nstruggle of the working class for socialism; historical experience, the great\nbattles waged by the proletariat confirms the validity of this thesis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The struggle of the working class for\nemancipation began a long time ago. Since the 19th century, the trade union\nstruggle of the workers in Europe went beyond economic demands and acquired political\ncharacteristics and a political course; it developed to putting forward the\nstruggle for power and the understanding that it was the protagonist and leader\nof the social revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These events were the result of a process\nthat put forward the struggle for the immediate objectives, for the reduction\nof the working day, for stability and wage improvements, against the\nexploitation and oppression of the employers, for labor rights and social\nreforms. At the same time, Marxism emerged and unified with the workers\u2019\nmovement. There were intense battles in which the ideological and political elements\nof the union organization were developed, of the unity of the workers from\nlower levels to the national level and further on to an international level, to\nthe integration and practice of internationalism. There was the ideological and\npolitical confrontation, the unrelenting debate between the positions of\nscientific socialism and the anarchist theses and proposals, between Marxism\nand the opportunist positions. The development of the labor movement itself,\nits struggles and perspectives, contributed to the establishment of the\nprinciples of scientific socialism, of Marxism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The revolutions that triumphed in the 20th\ncentury were possible due to the existence of an independent political party of\nthe proletariat, a party equipped and guided by Marxism-Leninism. Such a party\nhad the ability to develop a program and draw up proposals, lines of action and\nslogans that genuinely represent the immediate and strategic interests of the\nworking class, that had the willingness and wisdom to face the changing\nconditions in which the revolutionary process unfolds. Such a party is closely\nlinked to the working masses and the whole of the laboring masses, it is a\nparty with iron discipline, with a single leadership and a single will to\naction, which has a central, capable and decisive leadership, a battle-hardened\nand courageous party that knows how to face the class enemy in all\ncircumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The October Revolution was the first and\ngreatest experience of the workers; it was able to develop and win victory\nunder complex and harsh conditions, precisely due to the existence of the\nBolshevik Party, to the theoretical and practical work of Lenin and Stalin, to\nthe heroic struggle of millions of workers, peasant and soldiers. Counting on\nthe guidance of the Party it was able to establish the dictatorship of the\nproletariat and begin and develop at significant levels the building of a new\nworld, socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Albanian Revolution was possible due to\nthe existence of the Communist Party, which placed itself at the head of the\naspirations for freedom and democracy of the working class and people; it led\nthe struggle against the Nazi and Italian occupiers and the reactionary\nclasses; it led the struggle to victory and guided it along the road of the construction\nof socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The other revolutions that took place in\nthe 20th century were also an expression of the existence and struggle of\nworkers and people guided by the communist party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Various revolutionary processes that took\nplace could not achieve victory, due fundamentally to the weaknesses of the\ncommunist party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The struggle for national liberation that\ndeveloped in a large number of colonial and dependent countries that achieved\nvictory could not lead to full independence much less to socialism, because the\nparty of the working class did not exist or was small and weak and did not have\nthe ability to lead those processes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nrevolutionary party of the working class adheres to and is guided by the\nrevolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist\nparty is the independent political party of the working class; it represents\nits immediate and strategic interests, it is its conscious vanguard; since its\nfinal purposes are the abolition of all forms of social inequality, the\nelimination of social classes and the State, the communist party fights for the\nemancipation of all humanity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The political party of the working class\ntakes up the doctrine of the working class, Marxism-Leninism, as its ideology\nand politics, as its philosophical conception, as its economic and social\nprogram.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marxism-Leninism arose as a consequence of\ndialectical materialist philosophy, political economy and historical\nmaterialism, of the scientific analysis of the nature of capitalism and its\nlaws of development, of the determination of the historic mission of the\nworking class and the theoretical abstraction of the struggle and organization\nof that class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Its creators were immersed in the\norganization and struggle of the workers, in the ranks of the International\nWorkers Association, they were trade union fighters and leaders, and organizers\nof the communist party. They developed the science of the revolution; this\nscience has been and is being proven in social practice, in the struggle of the\nworking class of each country and on an international scale, in the victory of\nthe October Revolution and of the other socialist and national liberation revolutions.\nIt is the revolutionary thought, the most advanced political doctrine developed\nby humanity throughout its extensive historical journey; its revolutionary\nprinciples have universal validity, they are relevant in all countries; of\ncourse, their application takes into account the concrete situation.\nMarxism-Leninism is a living, developing doctrine; each of the victorious revolutions\ncontributed to its development; the various fights of the working class and the\nwork of the communists in all countries are a contribution to that advance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marxism-Leninism is not a dogma, it is a\nguide to action; it is a philosophy to interpret the world and fundamentally to\ntransform it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist and workers’ parties arose\nunder the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, in open struggle for its validity and\ndevelopment, in opposition to the opportunist and conciliatory positions that\nalways threatened them. They are struggling for their orientation, they strive\nto apply it with initiative and boldness in the concrete situations of their\ncountries, in the social and political dynamic, in the changing circumstances\nthat take place at the national and international level, to defend this\nscientific ideology; they will persist in their principles of Marxism-Leninism,\nin the social and political struggle to carry the revolution through to the\nend.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ncentral objective of the party is the seizure of power by the working class<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The policy, programmatic proposals,\nplatforms and slogans are inscribed in this direction. The struggle for power\nis waged every day, in the concrete terrain of the society, in the heat of the\nclass struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The class struggle develops independently\nof the will of individuals, of the political parties. It is expressed in the\nconfrontation between the workers and employers, between the laboring classes\nand the bourgeoisie, between the peoples and imperialism. Under certain\nconditions the class struggle becomes acute, of great magnitude; it involves\nthe working class, the other laboring people and the peoples on the one hand,\nand the upper classes on the other, and it could lead to a political crisis. At\nother times this confrontation is of less intensity, it is carried out in\nisolated and scattered social struggles. At certain times it even seems that\nthings are calm, that there is social peace. In any case, the class struggle\ndoes not disappear; it has different connotations, forms and levels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Essentially the class struggle exists as\nthe economic struggle, political struggle and ideological struggle. These are\nmanifestations that do not occur in a compartmentalized way, they cannot be\nseparated artificially from one another.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\neconomic struggle<\/strong>. The leading role of the party of\nthe proletariat expresses itself in a specific way leading the organization and\nfights of the working class, the peoples and the youth in the struggle for\ntheir immediate economic interests, using them as a lever to get to the real\ncauses of the situation of the working masses, to identify their immediate enemies\nas well as the holders of power, to educate them politically and to point out\nthe road to power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npolitical struggle<\/strong>. The communists are\nintentionally involved in the struggle for power that develops daily within\nsociety. They take sides for the cause of the working people, the poor, the exploited\nand oppressed; they confront the established institutions, against the\nanti-worker laws, in opposition to authoritarianism and repression, against the\nabuses of the judges, the police and armed forces. Together with the rejection\nof the policies of the capitalists, they put forward programmatic proposals,\nproclamations, paths and slogans that allow them to promote the policy of the\nworking class, to position it among the laboring people, among the peoples and\nyouth, but also among the whole of society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Essentially this is the revolutionary\npolicy of the party of the proletariat; it is expressed every day, in all\ncircumstances and places. Obviously, in capitalist society, at certain moments,\nthe political struggle for power, the confrontation to settle positions among\ndifferent sectors of the ruling classes, intensifies. In general, these moments\nare resolved through elections under representative democracy. As a consequence\nof the sharpening of the contradictions between the exploited and exploiters,\nbetween the oppressed and oppressors, among the various groups of the ruling\nclasses, political crises take place. These events involve the whole of\nsociety, all social classes and sectors of classes. Objectively, no one stands\noutside of them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In all these events the Marxist-Leninist\nparties have been participating with their own positions, from the interests of\nthe working class and peoples, from the positions of the oppressed peoples and nations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist parties are clear about the\nneed to politically educate the laboring masses, to show the class character of\nthe government in office, to point out the historical mission of the working\nclass, its responsibility to lead the struggle of all the workers and peoples,\nthe perspective of the revolution and socialism, the necessity and possibility\nof the seizure of popular power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These responsibilities are taken up by the\nparties of the working class with determination and boldness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nideological struggle<\/strong>. In capitalist society, there\nare objective reasons for the ideological struggle, which develops\nindependently of the will of individuals; it expresses the confrontation of the\ninterests of the antagonistic social classes, the working class and the\nbourgeoisie. It is waged between the objectives of the capitalists to preserve,\nprotect, defend and increase their perks and privileges, and the proposals of\nthe workers to defend their interests, for the winning of their rights, for the\ndetermination to change the established order, to overthrow the employers and\nto establish themselves as the ruling classes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The capitalist class, like the ruling\nclasses of the past, ascended to power and work daily to maintain and\nperpetuate itself in power. The power of the bourgeoisie is based on force, on\nthe role of the police and the armed forces; it defends itself with reactionary\ncoercion and violence. However, in order to maintain and develop its power, the\nclass of capitalists essentially works for the legitimization of its\ndomination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The bourgeoisie justified its rise to\npower, its use of violence and terror by raising the banners of “freedom,\nequality and fraternity,” proclaiming the freedom of the serfs, the\nemancipation of the slaves. It drew up legislation that proclaims equality\nbefore the law, the law of universal suffrage, the alternation in office in the\nexercise of government, the existence and relevance of parliament, of\nrepresentative democracy. In the stage of imperialism it declares itself the\nguardian of peace, freedom and democracy, and proclaims its willingness to\nintervene in any country where these principles are violated. According to\nthese assumptions and all the advances that are evident in relation to time and\nevents, the world is reaching the highest levels of development, of democracy\nand peace thanks to individual freedom, competition and free trade. The workers\nare part of this society, they take part in this democracy, they must be the\nleading forces of the incessant development and beneficiaries of that which corresponds\nto them, the wages to subsist and reproduce themselves.<\/p>\n\n\n\n With the advent of capitalism the\nindustrial working class arose, the proletariat that creates the wealth, the\ntransformation of the resources of nature into commodities, into material goods\nthat make possible life and its unceasing development. The wealth produced by\nthe workers is expropriated by the owners of private property of the means of\nproduction, by the capitalist class, turning them into wage slaves.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This situation places the main classes of\ncapitalist society at opposite poles: the working class and the bourgeoisie.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The bourgeoisie, when it overthrew\nfeudalism, established a new, revolutionary world; it gave a great impetus to\nscience, technique and technology, it constantly revolutionized the instruments\nof production creating great amounts and also a great concentration of wealth.\nThis new world was built on the foundations of the exploitation of the wage\nlabor of thousands of millions of human beings, on social and political\noppression, on the plunder of the natural resources of all countries. It was\ncorrupt from its beginnings with the reasons for its aging and disappearance.\nThat new world is now an old world, decaying and rotten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n By establishing itself on the basis of the\nexploitation and oppression of millions of human beings, it became a colossus\nwith feet of clay, weak and vulnerable. As it grew it transformed the former\nserfs into “free” workers, it multiplied them numerically and\nexpanded them throughout the earth, it placed them in direct relation to the\nadvances of science and technology, it made them social subjects who were\nacquiring consciousness of their role in order to become gravediggers of the\nworld of capital, the forgers of a new world, the workers’ society, socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The bourgeoisie and the proletariat are\nopposites in capitalist society. They are in constant struggle to have the\ndominant role. For the time being, the capitalists are in power but the workers\nare struggling to overthrow them, to bring them down and become the new ruling\nclass. This struggle will continue until finally the proletariat will\ndefinitively win out and create the material and psychological conditions for\nthe elimination of social classes, including its own disappearance as a class,\nfor the arrival of communism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The ideological struggle between the\nproletariat and the bourgeoisie exists in all circumstances; it is present in\nthe various periods of the class struggle. It is expressed in the struggle of\nthe revolutionary new against the reactionary and obsolete old; between the\nrevolutionary traditions and the new proposals of the bourgeoisie,\npost-modernism and the theses that deny historical materialism, the existence\nof social classes, the role of the social classes; between “individual\nfreedom,” selfishness and egoism against collective interests and\nsolidarity; between bourgeois democracy that justifies the oppression of the\nworking masses and the repression of trade unionists and revolutionaries; and\nproletarian democracy, the right to speak, decide and carry out the great\nachievements to benefit the great majority, direct democracy, the democracy of\nthe masses; between representative democracy and revolutionary democracy that\nwill take up the great achievements of socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist party is the consistent\nstandard bearer of the great ideals of the proletariat. It participates\ndecisively in this ideological struggle, unfurling the principles of the\nrevolution and socialism, popular power and the dictatorship of the\nproletariat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nstruggle for power<\/strong>. Of all the forms of the class\nstruggle, the political struggle is the main one, it is the one that leads to\nthe seizure of power, which allows all the achievements that the workers and\npeoples need and want to be concretized for their benefit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist party makes the political\nstruggle primary, it develops the economic struggle on a daily basis, it\nengages in the ideological struggle, it directs its main activities to the\nstruggle for the seizure of power, it works to incorporate in that direction\nthe workers and peasants, the progressive intellectuals, the oppressed peoples\nand nations. It works incessantly to build the popular front, the revolutionary\nunited front, to isolate the class enemy, the big bourgeoisie and imperialism,\nto accumulate powerful revolutionary forces that will lead to the final battles\nto overthrow the power of the national and foreign capitalists, to establish\npower popular. It raises the banners of emancipation: the red banner of the workers,\nof the revolution and socialism, the banners of the national liberation of the\ndependent countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\nopposition to the bourgeois dictatorship we communists fight for the\ndictatorship of the proletariat<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n From its dawn, society divided into classes\nestablished the State as an expression of the institutions, as an instrument\nfor the exercise of power, to subordinate and exploit the laboring classes and\nsocial sectors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The capitalist State does not escape these\nconceptions; it is the instrument of the capitalist class and imperialism for\nthe exercise of their economic power, for safeguarding, preserving and\ndeveloping their interests. It is organized for the subordination of the\nworking class and the other laboring classes; it becomes the guarantee for the\nperpetuation of their domination. The bourgeois State, regardless of its form,\nregardless of the level of social and political gains achieved by the workers\nand peoples, despite formal declarations, constitutional dogmas and laws in\nforce, is an expression of the rule of\nthe employers, the dictatorship of the capitalist class<\/strong> that proclaims\nfreedom and democracy for the powerful, and institutionalizes exploitation,\nsubordination and oppression for the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Representative democracy, military\ndictatorship, fascism, authoritarian governments or reformist regimes are forms\nof the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, expressions of the supremacy of the\nprivileges for a few and exploitation, poverty and oppression for the vast\nmajority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The working class and its party cannot not\ntake over the bourgeois State and carry out their class aims with their content\nand purposes. They must destroy the state machinery established by the exploiters\nand, on its foundations, raise up the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, Popular\nPower, the Workers’ State that will take various forms, according to the\nconcrete historical circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The dictatorship of the proletariat will always\nbe the expression of the broadest democracy for the workers, and dictatorship\nover the capitalists and other reactionaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Historical experience shows various forms\nof the dictatorship of the proletariat, and in the future the workers and\npeoples will undoubtedly find the most effective forms to exercise the power of\nthe proletariat and the other laboring classes over the former exploiters, over\nthe forms of capital inside the country and to defend themselves from the\nthreats of reaction and counterrevolution at the national and international\nlevel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nmotive forces of the revolution.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The revolutionary party of the proletariat\ncan and must fulfill its historic mission of organizing and making the\nrevolution to the degree that it permanently forges and nourishes its links\nwith the working masses, the peoples and youth; in so far as it takes up, in\nactuality, the organization and leadership of the working\nclass and works for the leadership of the latter among the whole laboring\nclasses and youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The linking of the party with the masses\nseeks to ensure that the programmatic proposals, policies and revolutionary\nslogans are understood and accepted by the advanced sectors of the working\nclass, the other laboring classes, the youth and women. The great majority of\nthe masses will be convinced of the need and correctness of the revolution with\nthe achievements of socialism, an issue that can only be carried out from\npower.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The working class, the other sectors of the\nlaboring classes, the women and youth can and should be involved in\nrevolutionary work, in their advanced sectors, through the promotion of the\ntheses and program of the party, of the party’s ability to persuade them of the\nnecessity, justice and viability of the revolution. They will affirm themselves\nin these ideas through social practice, in mobilizations and strikes, in land\nseizures and uprisings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Other sectors of the masses will join in\nthe course of the struggle; they will join their contingent, convinced of the\ncorrectness and strength of the revolutionary forces. And a good part of the\nmasses will be won by the achievements of the revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This means that the party of the\nproletariat must persist in its work of winning the masses for the revolutionary\nstruggle, it must pay attention to the advanced sectors of the working class,\nthe peoples, youth and women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The whole of the\nworking class must deserve the attention of the propaganda and agitation of the\ncommunist party, but it is clear that the work should focus on the sectors that\nwork in the strategic areas of the economy, in the large industrial complexes,\namong the public workers. The Party must analyze, under the concrete\nconditions, to which sectors of the working class it should devote the main\npart of its attention and activity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is indispensible\nthat, for the work of the party to organize the working class and win it for\nthe revolution and socialism, it must take account of the need to involve\nitself directly in the trade union and class struggle, to politically educate\nthe working class and above all to develop its organization, the building of\ncells in enterprises with outstanding workers in the trade union and political\nstruggle. To the degree that the party is organized within the factories and\nenterprises, in the mines and the means of transport, it will guarantee the\nobjective that the working class will take up its role as the leading class of\nthe revolution and the dominant class in society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the great majority of countries dependent\non imperialist domination, especially those where forms of pre-capitalist modes\nof production persist, where the development of the productive forces is slow,\ndeformed by the international division of labor imposed by the monopolies and\nthe imperialist countries, the peasantry, and within it a good part of the poor\nand middle peasants, are open to being incorporated into the revolutionary\nprocess. Therefore they deserve the attention of the party of the proletariat;\ntogether with them the worker-peasant alliance must be forged as the\nfundamental base of the revolutionary united front.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Among the public workers in many countries,\nthe teachers are joining the struggle for their rights and thus confronting the\nbourgeois government, the capitalist class. They form part of the decisive\nsectors of the masses; they must be led by the revolutionary positions, by the\nparty of the working class and projected to the struggle for power, for the\nrevolution and socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Half of the\npopulation, of the members of the laboring classes are women, they suffer\nmultiplied oppression and capitalist explosion, they are victims of the\nbackward and reactionary ideas nurtured by feudalism; they are taking up the\nstruggle for their rights and social liberation in different ways. The party of\nthe proletariat must actively integrate itself with these aspirations,\nmobilizations and struggles; to work for the organization of working women, for\ntheir political education, for incorporating them into the organization and the\nrevolutionary struggle for socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The youth from the laboring classes, those\nsectors that take part as wage laborers in the enterprises, the strata of youth\nof the peasantry constitute a dynamic social sector that can more quickly\nembrace the ideals of the revolution and socialism. The party of the\nproletariat must take up the responsibility of winning over the organization\nand leading the struggle of the secondary school and university student youth;\nthese sectors have played and play an important role in society, their ability\nto mobilize can be integrated into the revolutionary process; a good part of\nthem are leaders of the intermittent struggles and among their ranks are bold\nand decisive outstanding fighters who can and should be organized as members of\nthe communist party. The party of the proletariat should strive to nourish its\nranks with young workers and peasants, with young fighters from the student\nsectors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the dependent countries a patriotic and\nanti-imperialist movement is developing which involves the workers, the youth,\nradicalized sectors of the petty-bourgeoisie, democratic sectors of the\nbourgeoisie, the oppressed peoples and nations. The bourgeoisie and petty\nbourgeoisie are working to lead this movement under nationalist proposals; the\nparty of the proletariat should contest this with revolutionary proposals and\nactions. Only the communist party can lead this process to social and national\nliberation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The party of the proletariat must\nconcentrate its forces to win the masses, to assert itself and grow, but it is\nnecessary to go a little further, to specify who among those actors can advance\nfaster, who with their own actions can and should create social and political\nreference points and at specific moments can play a determining role in the course\nof the revolution. To find them and work in a sustained manner to get them to\nknow the party’s policy, to contribute to their social and union organization,\nto build the Party and its forces among their most outstanding members; this\nwill allow us to accumulate revolutionary forces, to build the revolutionary\nmovement of the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nvanguard role of the communist party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The Party must recognize itself as the\nvanguard; it must be so in fact. This is not a simple matter, much less an\nattribute that can be decreed. The Party is the vanguard because it represents,\nin theory and in practice, the genuine interests of the working class and that\nis the social class able to lead the other laboring classes in their struggle\nfor their emancipation from capitalism. The role of vanguard is won because it\nis historically correct analysis and has a revolutionary Political Line, but\nabove all because it devotes its thought and activity to the revolutionary\nstruggle, to the persevering work of organizing the workers, of uniting them,\neducating them politically and leading them in the small and large battles for\ntheir immediate demands and for their liberation. Under these circumstances the party is the leader<\/strong>, and that is a\ncollective attribute of the organization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Party must disseminate its proposals:\nwhat it is and what it proposes for today and tomorrow, for the new society. If\nthe advanced sectors of the working masses and the youth know the policy of the\nparty, if they are persuaded of its correctness, timeliness and viability, they\nwill understand it, make it their own and decide to fight for its\nimplementation and convert it into deeds in a great force for the work of the\nparty among the whole of the masses. If we work to spread the revolutionary\nstrategy, the necessity and probability of seizing power, the role of\nrevolutionary violence for that end, socialism, its nature and its\nachievements, the workers, peoples and youth will transform themselves into\nleaders in the struggle for change, for the revolution, for people\u2019s power and\nsocialism. The strategy and tactics of the party, in fact, become a point of reference\nfor the masses; they show the party’s vanguard role, the leadership of its policies<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n To fulfill these proposals the Party must\nconstantly perfect its work of propaganda, being clear that its principal\nactivity in this terrain is the direct action of its members among the masses.\nAdditionally, the social forces, the trade unions and other mass organizations\nthat the communists lead must carry out their own propaganda activity, directed\nto the masses of their specific sectors, but also to all of society. The most\nefficient and effective manner of propagating the revolutionary ideas and proposals\nis the very action of the party and its forces, the importance that these can\nhave for society is the actions of struggle in which the proletarian\nrevolutionaries are involved; therefore it is necessary, indispensable to show\nits face, to make clear the leading role of the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The revolutionaries, comrades and members\nmust win the confidence of the masses, must take up with responsibility the\nleadership of the struggle in its various levels and circumstances. The\nstruggle itself emphasizes the “special” people, those who have the\nbasic conditions to take up the role of “leaders.” The communists and\nother revolutionaries must fully assume that their role is shown in their\nability to bring together, unite, organize and lead the masses in their daily\nstruggles. This activity is the test for the great revolutionary battles that\nwill develop and in which each member must fulfill his\/her role.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\npersonal leadership of communist leaders among the masses and their struggles does\nnot come by decree, by the fact that they are communist militants or from the\nsocial forces involved in the revolution. No, that leadership must be won!<\/strong> In order to achieve this, it is necessary to want to do so and\nactually do it. Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries are able to see beyond the\nimmediate circumstances; they see the causes, contradictions and perspectives.\nThese analyses let them explain, persuade and convince the masses of the\ncorrectness of their proposals; they enable them to point out the way and the\npaths, to identify the goals of the struggle and how to provide the forces for\ncombat. They make it possible for the various social sectors in which the\ncommunists are active to accept the party’s policy, to have confidence in the\nwork, ability and courage of each one of its members and to fight for the\nparty\u2019s policy under its leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In this way we communists will earn the\nhonorable title of people\u2019s leaders<\/strong>,\nwhich means mainly the assumption of new responsibilities that must be\nfulfilled in an upward spiral, towards new and higher tasks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The leaders of the trade unions and\nassociations, of the peasantry, of the youth and women, of the peoples must affirm\nthemselves in their social environment; they must continually develop their\nideological and political convictions and their cultural level. If they gain\nexperience and prestige as leaders of their social sector they have a better\npossibility of projecting themselves within the political activity, to\nrevolutionary action. Beginning as local leaders they must project themselves\nto general and national struggles, from their position as social leaders they\nmust advance to the level of revolutionary leaders. In this field the\nMarxist-Leninist parties have significant experiences that need to be\ngeneralized.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In\ndefense of Marxism-Leninism, in confrontation with reaction and opportunism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The party of the working class actively\nparticipates in the struggle of ideas that develops every day and in the most\nvaried circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The bourgeoisie through its ideologues\nseeks to legitimize its rule before society as a whole, using the most varied\nmeans: religions, schools, academia, the bourgeois institutions, coercion and\ndeception, the media.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The development of the productive forces,\nof the instruments of production, the advances in science and technology, the\ninnovations and inventions that are created as a consequence of the accumulation\nand appropriation of the wealth created by the workers are used by reaction to\nextol capitalism, to claim that it is the highest form of historical development,\nbeneficial to all humanity, for the progress of the countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n They explore new ideas and proposals, new\nmeta-narratives, the revision and interpretation of history to establish a\n“new” philosophical thought that allows the capitalists to appear as\nthe standard-bearers of the new philosophical currents, of post-modernism that\nis seen as the synthesis of historical social development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n They even use the labor gains and rights,\nthe democratic openings won by the workers in order to preach that it is\npossible to advance with the permission of the bourgeoisie, due to the\ndemocratic nature of capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Simultaneously they orchestrate a vast\ncampaign of lies and distortions against the revolution and socialism, they\ndemonize the communist party. They take advantage of the debacle of modern\nrevisionism, of the dissolution of the former USSR to proclaim the failure and\nburial of socialism, to declare the end of ideologies and of the class\nstruggle. They denounce the revolution and socialism as useless sacrifices paid\nfor by the workers and peoples that gain them nothing, that lead back to\ncapitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Their poisonous darts are mainly directed\nat the existence and role of the communist party, at the role of the working\nclass which, supposedly, without the revolution, has achieved huge benefits\nthat can grow as capitalism develops.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Social-Democracy became a battering ram to\nattack the revolution and socialism, to attack the USSR and the socialist camp,\nto show itself to the working masses as the alternative to the revolution.\n\u201cDemocratic socialism\u201d is only a face of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie,\nof capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n So far in the new millennium, particularly\nin Latin America, so-called “21st century socialism,” basing itself\non the long struggle of the workers, peoples and youth against neoliberal\npolicies, has been presented as the alternative to scientific socialism, to the\nhistorical experience of the revolutionary processes that the working class and\npeoples led in the 20th century.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The various forms of opportunism join in\nthe chorus of these distortions by the capitalist class: They align themselves\nwith their attacks against Marxism-Leninism, they declare it obsolete. They\npreach the need to find and elaborate new proposals for the emancipation of the\nworkers; they accuse the communist party of taking advantage of the trade union\nstruggles and revolutionary combats. They demonize democratic centralism as a\nform of authoritarianism, that kills the initiatives of the proletarian\nrevolutionaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In this work the various representatives of\nmodern revisionism, the Khrushchevites, stand out. They betrayed communism\nunder the pretext of changing times, of superseding Marxism-Leninism, they\nbetrayed and condemned the dictatorship of the proletariat. Specifically, they\ndirected their diatribes against Stalin and transformed themselves into\nreformist parties, into tools of capitalism and imperialism for class\nconciliation, for the ideological and political disarming of the working class,\nfor the destruction of the communist parties that once played a consistent\nrevolutionary role. They became the ones who destroyed the socialist states.\nSome of these parties, preserving their opportunist essence, are developing a\npseudo-revolutionary verbiage in order to continue with the deception, to\nappear as “modern” communists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Since their expulsion and condemnation by\nthe Bolsheviks, Trotskyism and its followers have always been a spearhead of\nreaction and the bosses to line up with their attacks on the Bolshevik\nrevolution, joining the chorus of the capitalists who denounced it as the\ndictatorship of the party, as a manifestation of bureaucracy, as an expression\nof Stalinism which they blamed for all the evils that existed and now exist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n A series of groups of petty-bourgeois revolutionaries\nand progressive intellectuals participate in the diatribes against communism,\nthe dictatorship of the proletariat and the role of Stalin. Starting from their\nidealistic conceptions they condemn the great feats of the working class, the\nrevolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, which they call Stalinism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist party does not reject the\ntheoretical and political debate with the bourgeoisie and reaction, with the\nvarious manifestations of opportunism. It resolutely takes up the defense of\nMarxism-Leninism, the historical experience of the revolutions of the 20th\ncentury, the role of the communist party, and the validity of the dictatorship\nof the proletariat. It always puts forward the study of the revolutionary\nprocesses, of their successes and victories, as well as the reasons that\nallowed for the triumph of the policies of imperialism and reaction, and the\ndestruction of the former USSR and other revolutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Although the main form of the defense of\nMarxism-Leninism is the commitment and concrete practice of following its\nteachings and, under its guidance reopening the road to the revolution and\nsocialism, the proletarian revolutionaries must participate in the theoretical\ndebate that arises. It is not enough to refer to the teachings of the classics;\none must intervene actively in the discussion, in the concrete conditions in\nwhich it arises, one must also respond to the new challenges in the field of\nrevolutionary theory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nideological struggle galvanizes the proletarian party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The party is built in the great laboratory\nof the class struggle, in the midst of the theoretical and political combat\nbetween the working class and the bourgeoisie, between the peoples and\nimperialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Starting from the revolutionary proletarian\nconceptions and practices that the communists take up, the Marxist-Leninist\nparties and organizations have been affirmed and developed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In spite of this, or rather, due to this\ncircumstance, the class struggle is also waged within the party, in the field\nof ideas, of the revolutionary conceptions and practice of its members.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the midst of its revolutionary activity\nerrors and mistakes are made, there are difficulties and obstacles to be\novercome. The impact of the ideology of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, of the\ntheses of opportunism and revisionism must also be faced.<\/p>\n\n\n\n To ensure the correction of errors and to\novercome the difficulties, to resolve the problems that arise among the\ncommunists, one must make use of the tool of criticism and self-criticism. In\norder to reaffirm their ideological and political unity, to isolate and defeat\nthe incorrect ideas and positions, the party and its members are champions of\nthe ideological struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The ideological struggle is the expression\nof the class struggle within the party; it is a confrontation that must be\ncarried out to the end, to the affirmation of proletarian conceptions.\nIdeological and political unity is reached and must be pursued under all\ncircumstances, with the unmasking and elimination of the incorrect ideas, of\nthe infiltration of the theses of reaction and opportunism. Conciliation in the\nfield of ideological struggle leads to weakening the class nature of the party,\nto sowing illusions about reformism, to deviation from the objectives of\ncommunism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Proletarian\ninternationalism corresponds to the class nature of the communist party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The working class is a single class, in all\ncountries it takes part in a leading way in the process of production; a good\npart of it is integrated into the big industrial complexes; another sector,\ndispersed in small and medium enterprises endowed with the latest technology;\nit is in direct relation with innovations and new inventions, with science and\ntechnology; it is the creator of the wealth that is accumulated and\nconcentrated in the big monopolies, in the imperialist countries and bourgeois\ngroups in all regions of the Earth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Capitalist society, the monopolies and\nimperialist countries are the expropriators of the surplus value created by\nthousands of millions of workers of all countries; they impose regulations,\nlaws, oppression and exploitation, the repressive systems throughout the globe.\nDespite the division of the capitalist class into large monopoly groups, into\nvarious imperialist countries, into various economic groups in each country,\nthey all make use of the wealth created by the workers; they act as a single\nfront against the working class and peoples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The working class is an international\nclass; it confronts the capitalist class on a global scale. From the very\nbeginning of its condition as a class for itself, from the early days of the\ntrade union organization it had the understanding and consciousness of the\ncharacter of capitalist exploitation, of the need to forge the unity of the\nworkers, to build the international organization of the proletariat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The workers\u2019 movement and its struggle set\nthe stage for the emergence and strengthening of the communist parties that\njoin in as internationalist fighters for socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist party has always been a shock\nbrigade of the international revolution of the proletariat, in its long history\nit has carried out great and heroic feats of the communists fighting for the\nrevolution and socialism, regardless of the country of its birth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Marxist-Leninist Party takes up proletarian\ninternationalism as a conception, as the understanding of the international\ncharacter of the proletarian revolution, as the decision to fight capitalism\nand imperialism and to overthrow them in order to build socialism on the road\nto communism, as the united march of the workers and peoples, the communists\nand revolutionaries in all countries and on an international scale. It educates\nits members and the working class in the spirit and practice of proletarian\ninternationalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Marxist-Leninist parties of our time\ngrouped in the CIPOML reaffirm their internationalist identity, their position\nas detachments of the international socialist revolution. The origin, life and\nstruggle of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations\nare witness to the theory and practice of proletarian internationalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ncommunist newspaper<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The policy of the party of the proletariat,\nits general and specific expressions must be known by the working class, by the\nother laboring classes, the women and youth, and must be spread throughout\nsociety.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Party activity cannot be developed except\nthrough the propaganda of revolutionary ideas. It will not be possible to\nachieve socialism if the Marxist-Leninist conceptions and proposals are not\nspread among the working class and the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The propagandist work must be directed\ntowards winning the broad masses of the workers for the revolution and\nsocialism and, secondly, it must denounce and condemn bourgeois society,\nimperialist domination, capitalist corruption and decadence and, of course, it\nmust unmask the reformist positions of social-democracy, opportunism and\nrevisionism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The validity of the tactical guidelines,\nthe correctness of the revolutionary proposal, of popular power and socialism,\nthe forms of organization and the ways to advance to the seizure of power; the\nrevolutionary nature of the party and its forces, their ability and\nconsistency, their audacity and determination; the role and democratic\ncharacter of the revolutionary leaders and chiefs, their ability to lead the\npopular struggles, and their skill in carrying out the mandates of the masses\nmust be the motives and contents of revolutionary propaganda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The activity of revolutionary propaganda\nshould be directed, first of all, towards the working class, towards the\npopular sectors that form the social base of the party, secondly towards the\nmost impoverished social sectors of society, and, thirdly, towards the\nprogressive intelligentsia of the middle strata of the population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The social base of the revolution, essentially,\nthe working class, the laborers and peasants, the poor neighborhood residents\nand small business owners, teachers, secondary and university student youths,\nthe democratic and patriotic men and women able to align themselves with\nrevolutionary positions, must constantly be exposed to Marxist-Leninist ideas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The working class, the other laboring\nclasses, the women and youth are victims of the reactionary offensive; they are\nsusceptible to ideological and political manipulation by reaction and\nopportunism. The propaganda of the party must take these elements into account\nand seek and find the ways and means to reach them and affirm the conception of\nchange, the understanding of the problems and their leading role in the\norganization and popular struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The majority of the population are victims\nof the exploitation and oppression of the capitalists, they suffer the ravages\nof poverty; their situation is exacerbated daily by the lack of employment and\nthe high cost of living. These are the explosive social sectors, susceptible to\ndesperate actions; they are manipulated in the elections by the populist trends\nthat promise them the whole world, salvation, but they are struck by these\nunfulfilled promises. These poor people, the shirtless ones, must be exposed to\nthe party propaganda in order to win them to the struggle for the change that\nthey want, but that they believe will come from a Messiah.<\/p>\n\n\n\n One part of the intelligentsia of the\nmiddle strata of the population, of the petty bourgeoisie, the professionals,\nteachers and students have progressive and democratic conceptions; they have\nnot been absorbed by the system as their “organic intellectuals.”\nThey are capable of understanding and adhering to revolutionary proposals; they\ngenerally are part of the reformist, social-democratic formations, but there is\na radical group. The nature of the activity of these social sectors makes them\nopinion makers. The propaganda of the party must also be directed towards these\nsectors. Its contents must show its theoretical validity, it must provide\narguments that show its correctness, its validity and timeliness. We should not\nforget to give them an opportunity not only to read our positions but also to\nexpress them, as leaders in making revolutionary propaganda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The experiences in the field of propaganda\nand, above all, the need to advance by leaps and bounds should help to increase\ntheir quality and magnitude in order to reach millions of human beings, the whole\nof society, the social base of the party, the dispossessed and the progressive\nintelligentsia; they should give rise to the many-sided use of the written\npress, the leaflet, wall propaganda, the internet and computers, radio and\ntelevision, but they also should use the openings that can be gained from the\ncommercial media through interviews, debates, statements, bulletins, calls,\netc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The fundamental instrument of the\npropaganda of the Marxist-Leninist party must be the central newspaper, the\norgan of the Central Committee. Leninism stresses the extraordinary role of the\nparty newspaper. From “Iskra” to “Pravda” it was a bulwark\nof the revolutionary action of the masses, it played the role of propagandist\nand agitator for the struggle of the working class and peasantry, of the trade\nunion organizer and the party; it was the vehicle that gave the call for the\nassault on power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Certainly the media has developed hand in\nhand with the development of the productive forces, the innovations of science\nand technology, in recent times above all with the role played by the internet\nand social networks. However, without renouncing the use of these various\nforms, the party must insist on the newspaper, on its regular publication, on\nits capacity as a vehicle for the political unification of the party, for the\norganization of the masses, for the class combats of the workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Revolutionary\nviolence is the midwife of History<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The liberation of the slaves was the result\nof their rebellion, of great revolts and revolutions that broke the chains and\ngave rise to a new stage of development of human society, to the autocracy of\nthe feudal lords, to absolutism, and the serfdom of millions of peasants who as\n“free men” were yoked to bondage. Obscurantism was eliminated by the\nrevolution of the artisans and peasants who were taken advantage of by the\nbourgeoisie in order to ascend to political power and establish the capitalist\nsystem. The repeated attempts by the feudal aristocracy and reaction to restore\ntheir privileges also made use of violence, but they were defeated again and\nagain by the revolutionary violence wielded by the bourgeoisie, counting on the\nworkers and peasants as their troops. The bourgeoisie in power uses violence to\npreserve its interests, to increase and perpetuate them. Imperialism affirms\nits economic and political domination with wars of aggression, with the\nestablishment of puppet regimes, with occupation troops. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The first victorious proletarian\nrevolution, the Paris Commune, established the first workers’ government, the\nfirst form of the dictatorship of the proletariat accompanied by the armed\ninsurrection of the workers; it defended itself through revolutionary violence\nuntil it succumbed to the superiority of the capitalists. The Great October\nRevolution was born from the armed insurrection of October 25, 1917, it\nsurvived the counterrevolutionary offensive and defeated it after a bloody\ncivil war, relying on the Red Army, with the workers and peasants armed and\nfighting for their destiny. The Albanian revolution, the Chinese revolution,\nthe war of liberation of Vietnam and all the revolutions that seized power and\nonce formed the great socialist camp were a consequence, the result of\nrevolutionary war, of guerrilla warfare and insurrections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the area of social and political forces\nthat struggle against capitalism, for change and for socialism, various\nconceptions and practices on the use of revolutionary violence are present. We\nMarxist-Leninists must clarify and differentiate proletarian conceptions from\nthe ideas and voluntarist practices, from the guerrilla foco, from the\nvanguardist views, from the individual heroes, from the liberators of the\nmasses, from the anarchists of the ideas of the radical petty bourgeoisie. The\ncommunists demarcate their positions regarding the conceptions and practices of\nindividual terrorism; we condemn the reactionary and fascist terrorism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The liberation of the workers, their true\nindependence can only come with the organization and victory of the organized\nviolence of the masses led by the party of the proletariat. The\nMarxist-Leninist communists are supporters of revolutionary violence, they\nstrive to organize it in the concrete historical conditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n To conceive of revolutionary violence as\nthe form of struggle that leads to power presupposes for the proletarian party\nthe use of all other forms of struggle: economic contention, battles of trade\nunions and associations, the democratic mobilizations of the people, the enterprise\nstrike and general strike, popular uprisings, street fighting, marches,\nprotests, the seizure of roads and lands, the participation in elections under\nrepresentative democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The party of the proletariat fights for the\nrevolution under all circumstances, openly and making use of bourgeois\nlegality, under semi-legality, under illegal circumstances and in\nclandestinity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The proletarian party’s expertise is\ndeveloped to the degree that it can make use of all forms of struggle, to use\nthem to accumulate forces, to contribute to the organization of the workers and\nyouth, to educate them politically, always keeping in mind power and victory.\nIt uses all forms of struggle, combines them appropriately according to the\nstrategic objectives; the use of the revolutionary violence of the masses\nenables the working class and its party to organize the revolution, the seizure\nof power, and then the exercise of leadership and the realization of the great\ntask of building socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Democratic\ncentralism is the pillar of the party of the working class<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist party is a system of\norganizations, Lenin pointed out from the first days of building a\nrevolutionary party of the working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This statement refers to the need for an\norganized party, endowed with iron discipline and a centralized leadership. It\nis an organization of militants that carries out revolutionary activity\ntogether with the masses under the guidance of a single political orientation,\nthat displays initiative without losing its course.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Democratic centralism combines democracy\nand centralism, freedom and discipline, creative initiative and planned and\ncontrolled activity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Between democracy and centralism, the\nlatter is primary, that which defines and characterizes the party of the\nproletariat. In the Communist Party\nthere is a holistic relation between democracy and centralism. The various\npolitical circumstances in which the activity of the party develops influence\nthe relation between centralism and democracy. Thus, in situations in which\nrepression intensifies, the preeminence of centralism is imperative; however\nunder circumstances in which democratic liberties have a greater expression, a\ngreater expression of democracy within the party is possible and necessary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n As a centralized organization, the\nMarxist-Leninist party does not allow for parallel leaderships, nor does it\nrecognize factions of any kind. As a democratic organization it establishes\nequality of rights and duties for all its members, elections at all levels, the\nright of recall, constant information and consultation with the rank-and-file\nby the higher bodies, the right to criticize and make suggestions to those\nbodies and the individual leaders, using the relevant channels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The validity of revolutionary democracy in\nthe life of the party is expressed in the broadest but organized political\ndiscussion of important problems, in the participation of all bodies and\nmembers in the formulation of the Political Line, of the Declaration of Principles,\nof the Program and Statute of the Party; in the enthusiastic and creative\nactivity in order to boldly apply and develop the orientations emanating from\nthe leading bodies, in the permanent and correct exercise of criticism and\nself-criticism, in the practice of collective leadership and personal\nresponsibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For these norms to be really effective,\nwork must be done to create an atmosphere of equality and camaraderie between\nleaders and rank-and-file. The most important thing to achieve this is the\nattitude of respect that the leaders must have for the members.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Centralism arises from the need to\nelaborate, synthesize and convert the opinions and initiatives of the\nrank-and-file into a single orientation, to adopt practical measures that make\nviable the unrestricted implementation and application of agreements and\nresolutions taken, to unite and distribute the forces of the Party according to\nthe needs of the struggle and to ensure a single will of action of all the\nmembers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Khrushchevite revisionists, all sorts\nof left and right opportunists, and of course the ideologues of reaction and\nthe bourgeoisie denounce democratic centralism as a form of rigidity, of the\nauthoritarianism of the omnipotent central committee, as a manifestation of\nwhat they call Stalinism. A large number of petty-bourgeois revolutionary\ngroups and individuals condemn it as anti-democratic and demand freedom of\npolitical opinion and action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Historical experience shows the correctness\nand validity of democratic centralism to build and forge the Marxist-Leninist\nparty. Only a party guided by Marxism-Leninism and galvanized by democratic\ncentralism was able in the past to organize and lead the October Revolution and\nthe other proletarian revolutions of the 20th century, to build socialism. Only\nsuch a party can continue the grandiose task of leading the working class and\npeople to bring down capitalism and establish the new world, the society of the\nworkers, socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Marxist-Leninist parties and\norganizations that close ranks in the CIPOML are consistent champions of the\nvalidity of democratic centralism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The building\nof the revolutionary party of the proletariat<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The organization of the revolution demands\na powerful communist party, a large and capable party composed of thousands and\nthousands of proletarian revolutionaries, men and women who adhere to and fight\nfor the cause of communism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The need for ideological and political\nunity, for a single will of action, for an iron discipline, arises in\nconditions indispensable for the activity of the revolutionary party of the\nproletariat, but at the same time they are expressions of the serious and\nunrestricted practice of proletarian democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The conception that the party is not just\nthe sum of individuals, but a system of bodies, is a particular characteristic\nof the party of the proletarians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The ideological, political and\norganizational relationship of the party with the masses is another pillar of\nthe building of the party, it is affirmed in the materialist conception that the\nmasses are the makers of history, that social being determines consciousness,\nof the theory of knowledge and the negation of spontaneity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The dialectical relation of theory to\npractice. The conviction that without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary\npractice, the role of the party in the elaboration and discussion of theory,\nthe need to equip the working class and the masses with revolutionary theory\nare an indispensable component in the life and building of the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The validity of criticism and\nself-criticism in order to resolve problems, correct errors and overcome\ndifficulties within the party; the correct use of the ideological struggle to\ndefeat positions and practices within the party that are alien to proletarian\nideology and politics, ensure the class character of the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These fundamental principles have guided\nthe communists throughout several decades, in various countries and conditions,\nand they have shown themselves to be correct and revolutionary; they have\nallowed several parties to fulfill their historical role of leading the\nrevolution, seizing power and beginning the building of socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Marxist-Leninists affirm adherence to\nthese principles which are the basis of the party of a “new type”;\nthey strive to apply them in the building of the party of the proletariat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The parties that are part of the CIPOML are\nstill small organizations, with problems in their functioning, insufficiently\nlinked to the masses. These are parties and organizations that grow slowly,\nlagging behind the needs of the revolution, behind the possibilities; they\nexist and fight in a small number of countries. The organizational development\nis insufficient in regard to the political work carried out by the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the current conditions of the\nrevolutionary process, the question of how to advance in the growth of the\nparty is put forward as a very important problem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For a party\ngreat in quality and quantity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The role of organizer of the revolution can only be\nfulfilled victoriously by a large and skilled communist party, rooted in the\nranks of the working class, in the factory enterprises, in the peasant\ncommunes, in the mines and poor neighborhoods, among women and youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The party cell constitutes the main nucleus that\nlinks the party with the class; the cell in the enterprise characterizes the ideological,\npolitical and organizational ideological nature of the communist party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The cell is the basic organization of the party. It\nis the nucleus of communists who live among the working masses, who are in\nconstant relation with their experiences and problems, who can capture and\nprocess their desires and aspirations, their needs, their degree of conscience\nand their state of mind. It is the group of revolutionary propagandists who\nbring the ideas of communism to the masses, who agitate them, convince them and\npredispose them to the revolutionary struggle. It is the group of revolutionary\npropagandists who bring the ideas of communism to the masses, who agitate them,\nconvince them and prepare them for the revolutionary struggle. It is the\ngeneral staff that can organize the struggle of the masses and lead it to\nvictory, which educates the people politically, which strengthens their social\nand revolutionary organization. It is the school of communist training, the\ncrucible in which the temper of the members is forged, where the revolutionary\nfraternity, proletarian solidarity develops. It is the center of the party\nbuilders, of those who organize the recruitment and training of new communists.\nThe cell represents the party, its program and its proposals, the daily\npolitics and the strategic objectives; it is the expression of the vanguard\nrole of the struggle for revolution and socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The selection, formation of nuclei and\ntraining of popular fighters in the various organizations of the masses should\nbe understood as steps for the organization of groups of candidates for members\nof the party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Clearly, not all the rank-and-file members\nof these organizational nuclei will become members of the communist party. That\nhigh honor and responsibility will be taken up by the most consistent and\nselfless people, the popular fighters who advance in understanding the\nfundamental doctrines of Marxism-Leninism and make them their own in the\nstruggle of the masses, in the revolutionary combat. This does not in any\nmanner mean that those people who are members of trade union and popular\norganizations, without being party members, are not revolutionaries. On the\ncontrary, they are an integral part of the revolutionary forces, organizers and\nleaders of the struggle of the masses. The communists must strengthen links of\nideological, political and organizational unity with them: they must respect their\nopinions and particular characteristics, forge together with them the various\ndetachments of the proletarian revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is among those social fighters, the most\nconsistent and honorable of them, those who show the firmest commitment to\ntheir own interests, those who advance to look beyond their environment, who\nseek out ways out, where we will find the new members of the communist party.\nAmong those leaders of the masses, paying attention to the youngest and most\ndetermined, the bold ones, those who show wisdom and initiative, those who\naspire to change, are the seed, the present and future of the revolution and\nsocialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is not to be expected that these\npotential communists will be clear about the situation, the cause of the\nproblems, much less the solution. They should not be required to fully\nunderstand Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary political line of the party and\nits policies and proposals as a condition for entry into the party. All this\nthey will know and learn within the party, in the process of their assimilation\nand training as communists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\nbuilding of the party demands a leading nucleus<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n To resolve the problem of party leadership,\nprincipally of its Central Committee, is the indispensable condition for the\ngrowth of the party, for its consolidation and development.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is a task and a responsibility that\ndemands tenacity and perseverance and that develops in a more or less complex\nprocess.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The fundamentals for the consolidation of\nthis leading nucleus are:<\/p>\n\n\n\n – in the knowledge and assimilation of\nrevolutionary theory, of Marxism-Leninism; in the ability of that same nucleus\nto know and interpret, in the light of principles and from the interests of the\nworking class, the complex and changing situation in which society and the\ncountry are immersed, in which the international struggle of the working class unfolds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n – in its ability to elaborate politically\nfor the working class, for society as a whole<\/p>\n\n\n\n – in the willingness to integrate itself\ninto the organization and struggle of the working class, in the political\nstruggle unfolding in society<\/p>\n\n\n\n – in its decisiveness in taking on the\ntasks of leading the party, to involve itself directly in the relations of the\nleadership with the rank-and-file<\/p>\n\n\n\n – in the consistent practice of criticism\nand self-criticism, of ideological struggle<\/p>\n\n\n\n – in the willingness to confront and\nresolve the problems of the life of the party, to listen to the concerns of the\nmembers and to give them revolutionary and timely answers<\/p>\n\n\n\n – the leaders of the party must be\nfearless, bold, timely, they must show the way by example, with revolutionary\nsimplicity and passion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The forging of a Central Committee that\nrecognizes and takes up its responsibilities and tasks will be expressed daily,\nit will have its ups and downs, but it will guarantee the building of the party\nand the leadership of the revolutionary struggle of the working class for\nsocialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The building of the party has to do with the\npromotion of the party, its politics and its cadres among the masses<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n It is necessary to work tirelessly to spread the\nrevolutionary politics of the party, its current and strategic proposals, what\nthe communists propose in order to face and resolve the crisis in favor of the workers\nand peoples, what they propose for today and tomorrow. It is essential to\npromote the name of the Party, its symbols, its slogans; the communists must be\npresent directly, out loud among the masses, among the people\u2019s fighters; in\nshort, the promotion of the party, its policies and its cadres among the\nproletariat and the other working classes, the youth and women, is necessary, essential,.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is not possible to claim that the workers and\npeasants, the teachers and youth, the social fighters, those people, men and\nwomen, who aspire to a better tomorrow and who want to do something for this,\ncould recognize the Party as the way, as the means for the struggle for liberation,\nif they do not know it, if they do not know its proposals and its capacity for\nstruggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n How to make the\nParty known among the masses?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The policy of the party should be spread among the\nmasses by all means; it is necessary to publicly show the name of the party;\nthe cadres and militants of the party must win the recognition of the masses\nand other social fighters, they must do so in theory and in practice, showing\nclarity and soundness in the proposals, firmness and courage in the leadership\nof the union organizations, loyalty and consistency towards the interests of the\nworkers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The dissemination of the central newspaper of the\nparty, the propaganda of the cell, the flyer, the pamphlet, the wall newspaper,\nthe conversation with the masses, are activities that must deserve the regular\nattention by the organizations of the rank-and-file and the leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Proceeding in this way, a favorable environment\nwill be created for the process of the building of the party; it will work to\nmake the Party a reference point for the masses and the people\u2019s fighters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The\ntraining of new and numerous party cadres<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The communist parties must have a\nsignificant number of cadres, of popular leaders who have a well-earned\nleadership among the masses, who are cherished and respected.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This is a reality recognized by ourselves\nand others. But it is also true that the present requirements of the mass\nmovement and, above all, the prospects and needs of its development demand\nmultiplying the number of revolutionary cadres.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The new cadres will not be produced\nspontaneously; they will be the result of the existence of many members, men\nand women communists who have the qualities and willingness to assume the\nleadership of the masses in the process of the revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The training of cadres demands persistent\nwork of the leadership of the party but it also demands the willingness of each\nmember to take up a new stage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The study of revolutionary theory, the\ncultural formation, cultivation of skills and abilities and social practice are\nindispensable to forge the leaders of the masses; the membership, the life of\nthe party, the practice of proletarian democracy, of criticism and\nself-criticism, of ideological struggle, as well as the integration and\nparticipation in union organization and struggle, in the social and political\ncombats of the working masses contribute to affirming and strengthening the\nrevolutionary consciousness of the cadres, to projecting them as political\nleaders of the masses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 24th Plenary of the International\nConference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (CIPOML)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mexico, November of 2018<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" The Communist Party is a historical necessity Marxism-Leninism expressly affirms the need for the communist party as the organizer and leader of the revolutionary struggle of the working class for socialism; historical experience, the great battles waged by the proletariat confirms the validity of this thesis. The struggle of the working class for emancipation began […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":43,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-161","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-texts"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/161","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=161"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/161\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":162,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/161\/revisions\/162"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/43"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=161"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=161"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cipoml.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=161"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}